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Lecons Sans Frontieres By BERNARD KOUCHNER PARIS -- I was one of too few French politicians who was actively involved in pushing for Saddam Hussein's removal. I supported American policies not for the sake of the war but in the hope of improving the fate of the Iraqis and the chances of peace in the Middle East. As a medical doctor, I spent many years in Iraq, trying to relieve the suffering of the Kurdish and Shiite populations. Since then, I have known that the most formidable weapon of mass destruction threatening his own people and our democratic values was Saddam himself. Having also been, just after the Balkan wars, the U.N. special representative in Kosovo at the very beginning of the peacemaking process, I feel entitled to make a few recommendations to my American friends. While Iraq may have been an artificial creation of British colonialism, its people have an ancient, memorable culture. However ethnically and religiously fragmented, they have developed over the past century a strong sense of nationalism, cemented by urbanization and dictatorship. They also have inherited a history of violence and revenge. More than their neighbors, they have been able to develop a secular, well-trained urban middle class, whose women have had education and positions of responsibility. At the same time, Iraqis have had no experience whatsoever with democracy and free expression -- except for Kurds in the North, who had been protected from Baghdad by the Anglo-American imposition of a "no-fly zone" since the end of the first Gulf war. Of course, there's also the Iraqi diaspora, some of whom might be willing to play a role in rebuilding their former country, and whose members have been exposed to the benefits of democracy and a market economy. But they may not be necessarily welcome. Now that the allies have toppled the regime, the Iraqi population wants an immediate end to its suffering. The situation is made all the more volatile by the fact that the various components of Iraqi society are always on the brink of violence. Whether they are easily manipulated by the Iranian mullahs or not, the Shiites -- 65% of the population -- need to play a leading role in the coming government: it is the best way to prevent the real threat of an Islamic regime in Baghdad. The exercise that L. Paul Bremer and Jay Garner -- the two U.S.-appointed administrators for Iraq -- have now to conduct is a difficult one. But there may be a few useful lessons learned from the very recent experience in Kosovo: • Time
is of the essence. The very groups that appear to be the most antagonistic
to each other need to be drawn into a process where they learn how to work
together. These are all reasons why the Americans and the British (not to forget the Poles, who will also administer a part of Iraq) have to work with the international community, i.e the U.N. It is not right to condemn it as an evil system, as some U.S. conservatives are prone to do. It is as good and as successful as our democratic governments want it to be. Whenever we have worked together, pursuing the same goals, the U.N. has been effective: Bosnia, Timor, Kosovo. It is only when we are in conflict that the system derails, and that "evil forces" gain strength. The international system needs to be improved. We all have to contribute if we want democracy to prevail. History shows that it is always up to the winner to display vision, leadership and generosity. To win back public opinion in the many parts of the world that are showing worrying signs of anti-Americanism, success is needed in Iraq. You have won the war, now the challenge is to win the peace. Listen to your friends: you cannot do it alone. Dr. Kouchner, founder of Medecins Sans Frontieres and former French health minister, was head of the U.N. mission in Kosovo in 1999-2000.
Updated May 7, 2003
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